Jak widzę wiek dwudziesty?, s. 3-78
W dyskusji udział wzięli:
Maria Bogucka, Warszawa, s. 3-4
Stanisław Ciesielski, Wrocław, s. 4-6
Antoni Czubiński, Poznań, s. 6-8
Eugeniusz Duraczyński, Warszawa, s. 8-15
Stanisław Grzybowski, Kraków, s. 15-17
Wojciech Iwańczak, Kielce, s.18-19
Sławomir Kalembka, Toruń, s. 19-21
Jerzy Kłoczowski, Lublin, s. 21-23
Marcin Kula, Warszawa, s. 23-24
Marian Leczyk, Warszawa, s. 25-27
Stanisław Litak, Lublin, s. 27-29
Czesław Madajczyk, Warszawa, s. 29-31
Wojciech Materski, Warszawa, s.31-32
Krzysztof Michałek, Warszawa, s. 33-35
Jerzy Myszor, Warszawa, s. 35-37
Jan Powierski, Gdańsk, s. 37-43
Piotr Radzikowski, Kraków, s. 43-44
Stanisław Salmonowicz, Toruń, s. 45-47
Tomasz Schramm, Poznań, s. 47-49
Jerzy Serczyk, Toruń, s. 49-51
Hieronim Szczegóła, Zielona Góra, s. 51-53
Michał Śliwa, Kraków, s. 53-56
Lech Trzeciakowski, Poznań, s. 56-58
Wacław Urban, Kielce, s.58-59
Roman Wapiński, Gdańsk, s. 59-61
Jan E. Zamojski, Warszawa, s. 62-69
Marian Zgórniak, Kraków, s. 70-72
Zygmunt Zieliński, Lublin, s. 72-75
Fragment nie autoryzowanego wywiadu Aleksandra Gieysztora na temat przełomu wieków
Ranking polityków:
Jan E. Zamojski, Warszawa, s. 79-83
Andrzej Kastory, Kraków, s. 83-88
Krzysztof Groniowski
Grupa etniczna a kraj pochodzenia. Kształtowanie się ideologii polskich Amerykanów
(1918-1939), s. 93-104
The Ethnic Group and the Country of Birth.The Shaping of the Ideology of Americans of Polish Descent (1918-1939)
The author presents the attitude towards the land of birth and the methods of the Americanisation of assorted milieus of the Polish community in the United States during the inter-war period. Poland, idealised during the partition era, proved to be a state whose system was by no means accepted by all. The involvement of the emigres in domestic policy generated a struggle, in which keeping a certain distance remained one of the stands. The slogan of the primacy of loyalty vis a vis the United States expressed various tendencies. This was not exclusively an opinion represented by members of the second generation. Moreover, the issue at stake is not explained by examining it from the viewpoint of the intervention of the camp which ruled Poland after the coup d’etat carried out by Jozef Pilsudski in May 1926. The idea of cultural bonds proved controversial, at the very least, although the situation of Poland in 1943-1944 provided an impulse towards a revision of this stance in favour of political re-involvement.
Hans-Erich Volkmann
Poczdam, Wojna prewencyjna, do której nie doszło, s.105-116
Inessa Jażborowska
Utworzenie Kominformu. Kominform jako narzędzie manipulacji Stalina w Polsce, s.
117-135
Piotr Jachowicz
Strajk górników brytyjskich w latach 1984-1985, s.137-158
The British Miners’ Strike in 1984-1985
The state-owned coal mining industry in Great Britain succumbed to a profound crisis
consisting of a financial deficit as well as excessive employment and excavation.
All attempts at reform were blocked by the powerful National Union of Miners, headed by
the radically leftist Arthur Scargill. In 1979-1990, the Conservative government, under
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, aimed at the restructurisation of the mining industry
and the restriction of the impact exerted by the trade unions. In March 1984, the National
Colliery Board announced the closure of pits in Cortonwood. In response, the NUM
proclaimed a strike, which started on 9 March and involved 140 000 miners out
of a total of 180 000. Contrary to the NUM statute, a strike referendum was not conducted
among the union members. In return, the Union leaders resorted to wide-scale pickets in
order to compel the resisting miners to join the strike. Police protection provided for
the scabs lead to extensive disturbances. The controversies between the working miners and
the NUM leadership ended in court. The Union was fined, and, after a refusal to pay, the
court decided to sequester Union property, which hampered any further strike activity.
The course of the strike was accompanied by negotiations, in which the crucial controversy
concerned the right of the NCB to close mines without previous consultation with the NUM.
The talks failed, and the strike gradually lost impetus. At the turn of 1984, an
increasing number of miners returned to work. As a result, the Union leaders resolved to
end the strike on 5 March 1985. The defeat of the strike affected adversely the power of
the NUM and enabled the government to conduct a further restructurisation of the mining
industry in the following years.
Piotr Ostaszewski
Wietnam w amerykańskiej polityce powstrzymywania w latach prezydentury Harry’ego
S. Trumana (1945-1953), s. 159-163
Włodzimierz Batóg
Tak zwana wywrotowa działalność Komunistycznej Partii Stanów Zjednoczonych w
świetle przesłuchań komisji Kongresu 1959-1954, s. 165-170
Artykuły recenzyjne, s. 179-249
Ewa Kowalska
Imigranci i społeczeństwa przyjmujące - adaptacja - integracja - transformacja?
Warszawa, 1-3 grudnia 1998r., s. 252-254
Listy do redakcji, s. 255.
Spis treści, s. 257- 258.