Bogusław Gałka,
Przyczynek do źródeł ideologii konserwatywnej w Polsce lat 1918-1939, s. 3-13
Conservative ideology assumed form in Great Britain and France in the second half
of the nineteenth century. More or less at the same time, conservative ideas from Western
Europe reached Polish lands where they were popularised by Henryk Rzewuski, Aleksander
Wielopolski, Antoni Zygmunt Helcel, Jerzy Lubomirski and Agenor Gołuchowski. The
programme of organic work, launched by them, excluded, i. a. all violence and advocated
evolutionary transformations of the economy and social life. The centre of the Polish
conservatives was Cracow which in the 1870s witnessed the appearance of "Czas"
and "Przegląd Polish", periodicals edited by Marcelli Mann, Stanisław
Tarnowski, Józef Szujski and Stanisław Koźmian. From 1907 they became members of the
National Right Wing Party, which attracted supporters of conservative ideology.
Directly before, and immediately after the regaining of Polish state independence in 1918,
the ideological shape of conservatism was moulded by Jan Bobrzyński, Władysław Leopold
Jaworski, Stanisław and Karol Estreicher, Konstanty Grzybowski, Adam Krzyżanowski and
Władysław Zawadzki.
The characteristic features of Polish conservatism were symptomatic for opposition against
sociopolitical changes, and included Occidentalism, social solidarism, respect for
religious principles and their transference to the state and family, acceptance of
tradition, the authority of power, the inviolability of private ownership, evolutionary
development, and a struggle against demagogy and nationalism. Conservative thought in
interwar Poland was shaped by the thesis that not every change is progressive. All
transformations were to occur unnoticeably, with the retention of traditional forms. In
their formulation of social tasks and goals, the conservatives based themselves on
metaphysical presumptions claiming that the supreme aim of all communities is to seek
improvement modelled on the ideal of God. In the domain of social issues, Polish
conservatism recognised inequality as a constant, necessary and indispensable fact, the
chief argument being the existence of such a state in the past. Conservative thought
maintained a negative attitude towards parliament and elective institutions of state
authority.
Władimir Niewieżin,
Zamierzenie strategiczne Stalina przez 22 czerwca 1941 r. "Nie zaplanowana
dyskusja" rosyjskich historyków, s. 15-27
Krystyna Kersten,
Rząd RP wobec mediacji brytyjskiej (styczeń-marzec 1944 r.), s. 29-52
Robert Łoś,
Radziecka eksploatacja polskich urządzeń kolejowych. Regulacje 1954-1957, s. 53-63
The exploitation of Polish railway facilities, insufficiently examined in Polish scientific literature, constitutes part of the general subjugation of Poland by the Soviet Union. The author of the article presents the range of the exploitation of Polish railway facilities from the end of the second world war, with particular attention paid to the scale of payments for the transportation of army equipment as well as the Soviet military and their families to and across Poland to East Germany (and back again). Some 90% of the costs was covered by the Polish state budget. Attempts at signing railway agreements made in 1948 and 1951 failed. Only after the death of the Stalin (talks held in Moscow in 1955) and during the October 1956 breakthrough did new railway agreements and payment rates come into force. The article draws attention to the form of the talks: the Polish side was well prepared for the discussion and avoided all arguments referring to internationalist friendship while the broached topics concerned purely financial issues. Against the background of the railway talks the author portrays the range of Polish subjection by the Soviet Union and the process of rejecting strict dependence.
Krzysztof Tarka,
Z polityki narodowościowej PRL. Początki Litewskiego Towarzystwa
Społeczno-Kulturalnego (1956-1959), s. 65-80
A change in the general sociopolitical situation in 1956 improved the situation of the national minorities in Poland. The central party-state authorities of the Polish People's Republic showed interest in national issues. The restoration of rights to the ethnic minorities entailed the domination of the communist party over their activity. The purpose of the socio- cultural societies of the minorities was to propagate and popularise the policy of the Polish United Workers' Party among the non-Polish communities, and to transfer directives issued by the central ranks to local environments. One of the outcomes of the liberalisation trend was the growing activity of the minorities themselves. The Organisation Committee of the Lithuanian Socio-Cultural Society was founded in the Suwałki region in the autumn of 1956. The first convention of the society, held in March of the following year, comprised a breakthrough in the life of the Lithuanian community. Soon, the leaders of the organisation were charged with "nationalism". A "purge" conducted among the Society leaders at the second convention in 1959, and inspired by the Ministry of the Interior and the Polish United Workers' Party, denoted the failure of attempts to achieve an independent form of the Society.
Marian Leczyk,
Historiografia: tradycyjne funkcje i nowe orientacje, s. 81-91
Czesław Madajczyk,
Czy Niemiecka Republika Demokratyczna była niechcianym dzieckiem Stalina?, s. 93-102
Henryk Słabek,
Historia społeczna Polski (1945-1989), s. 103-122
Andrzej Korzon,
Próba syntezy najnowszej historii Polski. Uwagi o książce Andrzeja Paczkowskiego
Pół wieku dziejów Polski 1939-1989, s. 123-140
Adrian Konopka,
Służba zdrowia polskich formacji wojskowych w Rosji (1914-1920), s. 141-145
Jerzy Skrabania,
Werbiści a problem aglipajski na Filipinach w latach 1909-1951, s. 147-150
Przemysław Żurawski vel Grajewski,
Stany Zjednoczone wobec problemu kontroli zbrojeń w dobie Komisji Prygotowawczej do
Konferencji Rozbrojeniowej (1925-1930), s. 151-158
Artur Kamiński,
Wrocławskie targi i wystawy jako forma hitlerowskiej propagandy regionalnej w latach
1933-1944, s. 159-163
Ryszard Gryz,
Polityka władz państwowych wobec Kościoła katolickiego w województwie kieleckim
(1945-1956), s. 165-171
Mieczysław Tomala,
Informacja Władysława Gomułki, I sekretarza KC PZPR, o przyczynach zwolnienia N.
S. Chruszczowa ze stanowisk partyjnych i rządowych, złożona na plenum KC PZPR, s.
173-180